Crisis of democracy in America

Global perceptions of America as a democratic country have deteriorated across the world over the past year and are now worse than views on China in the same respect, according to an annual study of perceptions of democracy published in the first week of May this year. The survey did not go into details on the criteria used, but the Alliance of Democracies Foundation (ADF) which commissioned it said its aim was to defend and promote democratic values. When asked why perceptions of America as a democratic country had slipped, the Alliance founder and former NATO secretary general, Anders Rasmussen mentioned the trade war, mistreatment of Ukraine president Zelensky during his visit to White House and letting down allies on trade and security issues by the present American administration. "It is no surprise that opinions have slipped even among people like me who spent years admiring the United States and what it stood for," he said when asked to explain the findings of the survey. These comments, strictly speaking, are not indicators of the practice of democracy, nor do they explain the causes behind the decisions taken. Perceptions are not based on facts but there are random anecdotal evidences within a given timeframe that lead to them. Before mentioning and analysing these evidences in a broader context, a brief summary of the ADF survey findings may be helpful.

 

 

First, the size of the sample used by the survey to arrive at the conclusions is worth mentioning. It is seen that the survey, conducted between April 9 and 23 with polling firm NIRA Data, were based on more than 111,000 respondents worldwide (100 countries). Though the number of countries in the sample appears satisfactory, the same cannot be said about the respondents in the absence of data regarding their nationality, age, gender, educational qualifications and professions. In the survey, the perception of Trump was negative in 82 of the 100 countries surveyed, higher than Russian president Vladimir Putin and Chinese president Xi Jinping, who were viewed negatively in 61 and 44 countries, respectively. The use of heads of states in a survey designed to formulate perception of democracy appears problematic, even misleading because the assessment on the status of democracy has to be based on practice where institutions and their functioning's more important than personalities. Institutions in Russia and China are amenable to authoritarian rule, whereas in America, these are ostensibly suited to democracy. By this metrics alone, in any survey on democracy the inclusion of Russia and China is erroneous and irrelevant.

 

 

With this caveat, the main findings of the 2025 survey of the Alliance for Democracies can be summarised before moving on to more substantive issues on the state of democracy in America.

 

 

The survey has ranked the perception of countries within a scale from -(minus) 100 per cent to + (plus) 100 per cent. According to the survey, the net perception rating of America as a democracy fell to -5 per cent from +22 per cent last year, indicating a greater number of respondents with a negative view of the country compared with those with a positive view. The share of countries with a positive image of America (as a democracy) dropped to 45 per cent from 76 per cent last year, the survey has showed. These findings, in the absence of use of indicators and basis of evaluation, are not very persuasive.

 

 

A more relevant survey on the state of democracy worldwide, America included, is the annual survey by the Economic Intelligence Unit (EIU). According to the Democracy Index for 2024 prepared by EIU, only 45 per cent of the world's population lives in full democracy, 15 per cent in hybrid regimes and 39 per cent in authoritarian regimes. The Democracy Index prepared by EIU is based on 60 indicators, grouped into five categories: (a) electoral process and pluralism; (b) functioning of government; (c) political participation; (d) political culture and (e) civil liberties. Countries are scored from zero to ten in five categories with the overall index rating being a simple average of the five categories mentioned. Based on their average score, each country is classified as one of the four types of regimes: (1) full democracies (2) flawed democracies (3) hybrid regimes and (4) authoritarian regimes.

 

 

 

The Democracy Index report for 2024 showed America as a 'flawed democracy', the same status as shown for the year in 2018, implying there has been no improvement in the substance of democracy in America, during the five year period of 2018-2025. It will be interesting to see where America is placed in the Democracy Index after the performance of the Trump Administration in various areas of policy decisions and legislations. If during the five year period, between 2018 and 2024, that included parts of both Trump and Biden Administration, on the basis of the five categories of indicators, America was classified into the second category i.e. 'flawed democracy', the performance trending during first five months of the second term of president Trump may qualify the country for a lower status in the democracy scale, perhaps showing it somewhere between hybrid and authoritarian regimes.

 

 

Though American politicians never tire of grandstanding for American democracy as the epitome of the model, the reality on the ground have belied that claim with variations in respect of degree under different presidencies. The fundamental principles of separation of powers (ensuring accountability of elected and appointed authorities), liberty and equality enshrined in American constitution have never been fully observed in the history of the republic. It is not only recently when the country, under the stewardship of a maverick president, that American practice of democracy has been examined by analysts and found to fall short in some or all of the above salient respects. The critique of American brand of democracy, particularly its manifestations in established political institutions, is as old as the republic. President Trump, in his second term, has already widened this divergence between the requirements of democratic dispensation as enshrined in the constitution and actual practice.

 

 

Firstly, Trump administration has severely undermined the constitutional obligation of ensuring civil liberty by denying allegedly undocumented immigrants due process of law. Not only some immigrants have been denied access to courts of law to defend themselves, they have been treated inhumanely and sent to notorious prisons in third countries. Likewise federal funds for universities have been withheld without giving them any chance to plead their case, thereby hurting collective liberty. Secondly, in several cases court verdicts against executive orders of the president have been cynically ignored, violating the separation of powers. Even the supreme court judges have been threatened with action in the event of their dissenting rulings against executive orders given by the president. This disregard, nay contempt, of judiciary, the guardian of civil liberty, has never been so blatant as it has been recently. As if to drive home the superiority of the executive branch over judiciary, a federal judge in Minnesota was arrested from the precincts of the court last month on dubious charges of giving protection to illegal immigrants. Secondly, the requirements of legislative approval for cutting off of federal funding from and winding up of government agencies have been brushed aside, striking at the root of separation of power enshrined in the constitution.

 

 

 

If civil liberty and separation of power have been treated shabbily by the Trump administration, the constitutional principle of ensuring equality has not fared any better. The official negation of the principle of Diversification, Equality and Inclusiveness (DEI) has practically closed all avenues for equitable access to education, sports and employment by the physically and socially handicapped and groups other than the two genders. Thirdly, the complicity of legislature with the executive is also at work now, undermining the principle of equality. The tax cut proposal of the Trump administration benefitting the rich at the cost of classes below them in the income ladder has been passed by the Republican- majority House of Representatives recently. If the trends set in motion during the first five months become the norm for the Trump administration, the state of democracy in America can be said to be in suspended animation. By the metrics of EIU for preparation of Democracy Index, on the basis of prevailing decision- making, America can very plausibly be placed in the category of 'authoritarian regimes.'

 

 

The question is: why is democracy endangered now or exposed to weakening, in spite of provisions in the constitution for separation of powers, civil liberty and equity? There are mainly two reasons for the subversion of democratic procedure of governance in America. The first is the limitation on the legislative power of Congress to thwart the unconstitutional decisions of the president. This limitation becomes manifest when in both houses of the Congress the party of the president has a majority, as is the case now. The only legal deterrent against an errant president being impeachment by the legislature, this is not plausible when his party has the majority in both houses. The separation of powers, crafted so carefully and assiduously by the founding fathers of the American republic to restrain untrammelled powers of the executive branch (president) has been rendered vulnerable and dicey because of this reality. Only an amendment of the constitution, allowing a lower number of majority votes, can get around this constitutional impasse. But it is highly unlikely that any party enjoying majority in both houses of Congress will be inclined to consider this amendment seriously.

 

 

 

The second factor holding democracy as a hostage is the pervasive presence and round the clock public relationing by numerous lobbies that influence legislation and executive orders of the president. In almost all cases, the lobbies represent the classes or groups, including foreign powers that have deep pockets to spend. This is a source of not only political corruption but also of unequal power in American society to influence legislation and decision-making by the executive. In both respects, the democratic ethos becomes a victim.

 

 

Only a dispassionate bi-partisan review of the lacunae in the legal provisions for checks and balances in the exercise power leading to necessary amendments can extricate America from the ever present paralysis facing democracy. The proverbial sixty five thousand dollar question is: do the American politicians worry about this seriously to bring about qualitative change in the practice of democracy? More pertinently, is the American public aware about the swindling by their representatives and ready to launch a country- wide movement for the establishment of genuine democracy?